Sunday, October 11, 2015

Soft Power: India-Gulf Education and Cultural Ties


Soft Power—India-Gulf Educational and Cultural Ties

Mr.Chairman, (Ambassador Talmiz Ahmed),
Chancellor of the University,
Fellow Panelists,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

I thank the leaders of Symbiosis International University for inviting me to this Conference. I suspect that I have been invited because I live in Kerala, the state, which has been touched most by the Gulf, in ancient and in modern times. Since I am in education in Kerala, I linkages with the education scene in the Gulf. Yet another affinity I have is that my younger brother, T.P.Seetharam, is the Indian Ambassador to the UAE. Of course, I must add that what I say will be on my own responsibility and should not be attributed to him.


Months after this Conference was planned, much after I accepted your invitation to make a presentation on the influence of India’s soft power in the Gulf, a game changing visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi took place to one of the leading countries in the Gulf. It transformed not only India’s relations with the UAE, but also sent waves across the Arab world. It appeared as though the Symbiosis International University had the wisdom and the foresight to anticipate those developments. That is how this Conference has become celebratory, rather than speculative. Today, we can speak with greater confidence about the potential for India-Gulf partnership. We can assert that age-old cultural ties can blossom into mutually beneficial links at critical times.

The very fact that we characterize India-Gulf relations today as “Link West” tells the story of the times. The word, “West” so far meant the lands farther west of West Asia. This is not the first time that we are looking west. The problem was that both India and the Gulf were looking west and, therefore, we hardly saw each other. When we began to see each other, we discovered the immense possibilities of employment for Indians in the Gulf, which transformed the skyline of the entire region. The inclement weather and other hardships did not deter the Indians from making flowers bloom in the desert. The Gulf, in turn, welcomed them with open arms and the wages they earned and their remittances transformed the Indian economy.

Indian cultural contacts date back centuries and continue with intensity today. These will only increase in the future, regardless of the political and economic future of India and the Gulf. For thirty years or more, the skilled and semi skilled Indians served the Gulf countries with devotion. They were able to mix with the local community because of the freedom they enjoyed for cultural exchanges and worship. Indian habits and customs were familiar in these countries because of the interactions of the past. Many Indian workers spoke Arabic even before they went to the Gulf and it was not long after that the Arabs began speaking in Hindi and Malayalam, which their forefathers had brought back from their voyages to the east. Indians in the Gulf invited their employers and friends to India to savor the salubrious weather of the Kerala coast and to rejuvenate them with Ayurvedic treatment. No wonder that these complementarities made the Gulf home to 7 million Indians and remittances exceeded 35 billion dollars a year. I come from Kerala, where no one has remained untouched by the two way Gulf wave.

The seven Emirates that formed the UAE in 1971 have for long had close interaction with the west coast of India with Bombay, Pune, Gujarat, Malabar being main points of interaction. Pearls, dates and salted fish were exported to India and almost all their needs from food items to textiles and furniture coming from India. Sheikh Zayed's palace in Al Ain, now a museum is full of Indian furniture and textiles. Young men would offer "the finest silks of India" when seeking brides. Indian sword was a priced possession. Families were sent to Bombay for holiday and shopping when the menfolk were busy at sea during the pearl diving season. Miraj near Pune was a popular destination for medical care. Wood and coir to make boats and boats themselves came from the Malabar Coast. Indian food, spices and oudh (perfumes) became essential elements of daily life in the Gulf. Indian merchants dominated trade in the gulf, while teachers, doctors, accountants and professionals from India were pioneering service providers as lifestyle changed from that of wandering as Bedouins to a settled urban living.

With television came Bollywood dubbed into Arabic with a large fan following every gossip in the life of actors on and off screen. Urdu, Hindi and Malayalam are spoken specially by those of the older generation. Cricket infrastructure has come up in Sharjah, Dubai and even in Abu Dhabi to attract matches between the teams of the subcontinent. No event attracts more people in these cities than an India-Pakistan cricket match.

Indian associations and community organizations flourish and compete with each other in bringing classical, folk and cinematic events to the Gulf as corporate sponsorship is easy to mobilize. Pandit Jasraj, Hari Prasad Chaurasia, Amjad Ali Khan, Kathakali, Koodiyattam, Kathak, Mammooty, Mohanlal, all attract huge audiences. Abu Dhabi Tourism and Cultural Authority is currently hosting the Indian Symphony Orchestra of Mumbai, Gulzar rendering Rabindra Sangeeth and a reputed Kathak group for a predominantly Emirati audience at ticketed events at the prestigious Emirates Palace. Contemporary Indian artists are featured prominently at art exhibitions. The Abu Dhabi branch of the Louvre has already acquired an antique Nataraja statue from a museum in Australia and a large Indian miniature paintings collection that belonged to James Ivory of the 'Merchant-Ivory' fame. Onam is celebrated on every Friday from August to November in some part or other of the Gulf with more fanfare and colour than in Kerala. 


Several Indian newspapers and journals are printed and distributed in the Gulf and local newspapers have large sections of news from India. In some countries, Indians outnumber the local populations, but they are not disruptive of the political or cultural milieu of those countries. Just as Indian restaurants flourish there, Arab food is much sought after in Kerala today.

As the people to people contacts grew, so did trade relations. GCC is the biggest trading partner of India today and it provides half of India’s oil requirements. For India, Gulf is a bigger market for its goods than the European Union today.

India’s principled support for Palestine was an anchor of India’s relations with the Arab world right from the time of India’s independence. Yasser Arafat was received in India several times as the head of state of Palestine, not just as a freedom fighter. The sentiments of the OIC on Kashmir and the Muslim community in India were tempered by the fact that India stood for justice for the Palestinians throughout. India recognized Palestine as a state far ahead of many others.

Even with all these ingredients, India-Gulf relations did not become a strategic partnership. It had to wait for the right moment when global power shifted from the west to the east, the United States began disengaging from the region because of its rapidly reducing dependence on Gulf oil, the menace of terrorism and piracy demanded cooperation between India and the region and India’s economic growth and keenness to seek investments impressed the Gulf community.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi struck gold in the Gulf during his recent visit to the UAE because of the firm foundations of traditional links and the imperatives of cooperation, which emerged in recent times. He received a warm welcome by the Crown Prince and his brothers at the Abu Dhabi airport, held cordial discussions with them, visited the grand mosque, met Indian workers in a labor camp, received the gift of a plot of land for a Hindu temple in Abu Dhabi and issued a historic Joint Statement with the Crown Prince. In Dubai, a 50,000 strong audience heard an electrifying speech about his accomplishments and future plans. Basking in the glory of a highly successful visit, Prime Minister Modi wondered why no Indian Prime Minister had visited the UAE for 34 years, even though there were 700 flights a week from India to the Gulf. He was implying that the Governments were far behind the people in forging ties in the Gulf.

Modi spoke at length at his Dubai oration on the implications of the new understanding on terrorism, making it clear that the UAE had clearly sided with the Indian view on terrorism as the two had decided to “coordinate efforts to counter radicalization and misuse of religion by groups and countries for inciting hatred, perpetrating and justifying terrorism or pursuing political aims.”  Though he did not mention Pakistan by name, he said that terrorism as an instrument of policy stood condemned. The support to India’s proposed Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism was also significant, he said. The main reason why the Convention ran into rough weather was the argument by some Islamic countries that freedom fighters should not be deemed terrorists by definition. With the new understanding of terrorism, there would no more be “good Taliban and bad Taliban.” The establishment of a dialogue mechanism between National Security Advisers and security agencies took anti-terrorism to the level of defence cooperation, including regular exercises and training of naval, air, land and Special Forces and in coastal defence. The UAE also announced support for India’s quest for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

A ‘Dawn’ editorial remarked that the visit should be nothing less than a wake-up call for Pakistan. Even more significantly, it said, "Lingering territorial disputes are no longer the driving force behind foreign policy. Instead, the foreign interests of states are now, more than ever before, viewed through an economic lens. States can be rivals in one sphere and partners in another.” The Indian initiative was noted with admiration as part of the contemporary trend of playing on different chessboards at the same time.

The editorial called for maturity in Pakistan`s foreign policy and said that "as a thaw with Iran opens up opportunities to the west, and the possibility of building an economic partnership with India to the east -- however remote it might seem at the moment -- remains a viable foreign policy goal. It`s time to emerge from the old world, and recognize the changes happening in our region before it`s too late". The speculation was that India had stepped into the UAE-Pakistan breach caused by Pakistan’s refusal to send troops to the Yemen war. Some observers even complained that the UAE had given a platform in Dubai for anti-Pakistan rhetoric.

Securing a commitment of increased UAE investment in India was a greater challenge. But Prime Minister Modi convinced them that India was emerging as the new frontier of investment opportunities, especially with the new initiatives by the Government to facilitate trade and investment. The UAE readily agreed to make an immediate investment of USD 75 billion and to increase trade by 60%. 

Prime minister Modi’s Arab Odyssey was both a culmination of age-old ties and a beginning of a new era. The ease with which an Islamic country related to a person of Modi’s background and reputation was striking. The UAE rulers seemed to care more about India’s future than about Modi’s past. The success of his visit to the UAE was an instance of brand India having greater appeal than brand Modi.

I dwelt at length on the visit of our Prime Minister to show how the soft power of India played itself out in forging a strategic partnership in the Gulf. The cultural and educational cooperation will also grow in the new dispensation. India already has cultural and educational exchange programmes between India and the Gulf. India is synonymous with education and a large number of Indian schools have multiplied educational opportunities. Indian universities of repute have campuses in the Gulf. Indian cultural centres attract not only the Indian community, but also the local population. The Gulf has discovered the vast technology and knowledge resources of India. Joint research projects have already been launched in several Gulf countries. India’s experience of pluralism despite its diversity and economic problems should provide inspiration to the Gulf, which is struggling with sectarian divisions.

India and the Gulf have rediscovered each other in the new global context. But what gives strength to the new partnership are the civilizational links and cultural affinities. Soft power is at work between India and the Gulf.

Thank you.





Friday, September 11, 2015

Disaster Preparedness and Management




Remarks by former Ambassador T.P.Sreenivasan at the UN Academic Impact Seminar on ‘Disaster Preparedness and Management’ at the UN Headquarters in New York. September 11, 2015.

Chairman Ramu Damodaran,
Panelists and
Participants,

I am delighted to be back at the UN, particularly in Conference Room 6, where I spent many days and nights, working on resolutions, which, we believed, would change the fortunes of the world. Even the room has not changed, except for the multitude of electronic gadgets and audio-visual equipment all around us. As for myself, I have lost touch with the UN jargon and can speak only like an outsider.

As someone, who has moved from diplomacy to higher education, I am fascinated by the work of UN Academic Impact under the leadership of Ramu Damodaran. I am honored to be invited to participate in the seminar to share the experience of a diplomat and an educationist. The more the academic community gets involved with the UN, the better it will be for both.

I have been fortunate enough not to be in the middle of a disaster, though I have faced many official and personal crises. So I cannot claim any direct experience of handling disaster management. But I have a friend in UNEP in Geneva, who has handled so many disasters that he expects to name his autobiography “My Life and Other Disasters.” I have gained some insights from his experience. I shall also share some stray observations on the basis of my experience in the UN.

The UN was created to prevent war, the biggest man made disaster of all. Through preventive diplomacy, peace making, peacekeeping and peace building, the UN has contributed to make the world a peaceful place. The UN principles and practices, such as preparedness, disaster relief and recovery are now being applied to disaster management. In tackling disasters, the UN and its Agencies draw heavily on the experience of the UN in the last 70 years.

While the number and intensity of wars are less today, natural disasters seem to have increased on account of terrorism, global warming, climate change, desertification and other phenomena.  Today, we have scientific evidence to show that many such phenomena are consequences of human activity. There is hope, therefore, that these can be prevented by more responsible human behavior.

Predictability of natural resources has also increased because of research by some of the UN Agencies such as the IAEA and the CTBT Organization. In their search for evidence of nuclear tests, they have come across technology, which can point towards possible earthquakes. People also predict disasters by observing unusual developments around us. Even as we speak, some people in India are saying that a major tsunami or earthquake is likely because it has been observed that fish are jumping out of water to die on land!

Man has lived with natural disasters for centuries and even accepted them as nature’s way of maintaining a balance in human population. India takes pride in the fact that it has made peace with nature and does not worry too much about aberrations in nature. When Dr. Radhakrishnan, the philosopher President of India arrived at the White House lawns by helicopter, the weather was very rough. President Kennedy apologized that the US had not yet mastered the technology of changing the weather. Dr. Radhakrishnan said that he did not have to worry as Indians had mastered the technology of accepting the weather centuries ago.

Today, international cooperation can prevent disasters by setting standards for construction and maintenance, evacuation plans and environmental planning. The UN has played a major role in disaster relief in every major disaster, whether it is Nepal, Haiti or Fukushima. At the same time, in disaster management, the affected country should take the lead and the work of the international community should be supportive. Dispatching a huge number of relief personnel is not always helpful.

The UN should focus on promoting an ecosystem-based approach for reducing disaster risks and climate change adaptation. Any development strategy, which does not take into account disaster risks and environmental damage cannot be sustainable.

Finally, I would stress the need for educating the masses on disaster management. The Kerala State Higher Education Council has been working with UNEP in Geneva in developing a MOOC course, a revolutionary new concept in higher education, to promote awareness of the new knowledge about ecosystems. The course has been planned for both policy makers and experts. 12000 students from 183 countries signed up for the course. The MOOCs model developed by UNEP should be supplemented by the specialized knowledge of other Agencies such as the IAEA and UNIDO. For instance, the investigation on the Fukushima disaster revealed some strange facts. A Japanese Parliament study concluded that the Fukushima disaster was a disaster that could have happened only in Japan. Apparently, the disaster could have been avoided if the younger scientists questioned some of the decisions taken by the management. But the Japanese hierarchy did not permit such questioning. Another fact is that the Japanese society has changed dramatically after the Fukushima disaster. Many young people have chosen to focus on family and children, rather than live alone; having realized that life is fragile and uncertain.

I would suggest that the UN Academic Impact should embrace MOOCS as a matter of faith to lower or eliminate borders to learning.

Thank you.

Sunday, August 02, 2015

A Tale of Two Deals

A tale of two deals

Comment   ·   print   ·   T  T  
“Iran’s new economic freedom and consequential prosperity will propel it to the forefront of the region. It may even become a partner of the U.S. and others in their battle against the Caliphate.” Picture shows U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry (left) speaking with Hossein Fereydoun (centre), the brother of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif (right) in Austria.
REUTERS
“Iran’s new economic freedom and consequential prosperity will propel it to the forefront of the region. It may even become a partner of the U.S. and others in their battle against the Caliphate.” Picture shows U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry (left) speaking with Hossein Fereydoun (centre), the brother of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, and Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif (right) in Austria.

The Iran deal marked a new beginning in Iran-U.S. relations, while the India deal was a culmination of a process of rapprochement

The finalisation of the P-5+1-Iran nuclear deal coincided with the tenth anniversary of the India-U.S. nuclear deal by sheer chance. But the two deals, which came ten years apart, reveal American strategy to deal with nuclear proliferation in two distinct situations and two different times. The U.S. appeared to make concessions in both cases, but the deals served their immediate strategic interests.
The objective was to put the nuclear genie back in the bottle in both cases, though it looked positive in the case of India and negative in the case of Iran. The U.S. was alarmed by the weapon tests of India in 1998 even more than the revelation in 2002 of Iran’s nuclear activities. Imposition of sanctions against India and Iran were swift and severe, once it became clear that India would not sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and Iran would not abandon enrichment.
Crippling sanctions

The position of strength the U.S. had in both cases derived from the crippling sanctions that India and Iran feared, though in the case of India, the sanctions had disappeared for extraneous reasons even before the negotiations on the deal began. The sanctions were, however, hanging over the head of Jaswant Singh when he negotiated with Strobe Talbott for two years, which actually led to the India-U.S. nuclear deal. Of course, Jaswant Singh pretended that sanctions were not an issue, but Talbott was very specific about the benchmarks to be reached for sanctions to be lifted. Had 26/11 not intervened, sanctions would have been the central issue of the India-U.S. nuclear deal also.
Sitting next to the Iranian Ambassador in the Board of Governors in the early stages of the Iran issue at the IAEA from 2002 to 2004, this writer was aware that Iran’s aspiration was to acquire the status of pre-1998 India. That was the time when India had an ambivalent position on its nuclear capability, with the option of weaponisation. Iran was aware that the major difference between the two countries was that India was not a signatory to the NPT, but expected that it could make up for it by hide-and- seek. Iran expressed readiness to allow inspection of their facilities, but each time the inspectors came back with more questions than answers. The IAEA concluded that there was “something rotten in the state of Denmark” but could not locate the source of the stench.
Iran realized that the game was up when the matter went to the UN Security Council, with the support of India, which was in the middle of the negotiations for its own deal with the United States. Though the Indian vote was in keeping with the position that India had taken since 2002, it was believed that the Indian vote was cast at the instance of the United States. The subsequent massive sanctions and the dire situation of the Iranian economy forced Iran to take the bitter medicine of curtailing its nuclear activities to revitalize its economy.
In the case of India, the negotiations were between two countries, which had a long history of engagement, though occasionally estranged. The George W. Bush Administration was merely taking the “next steps” in a strategic partnership established by the Clinton Administration. In the case of Iran, it was a matter of breaking the ice and proceeding to negotiate a deal, which was hard for a proud nation to swallow. The trust deficit was so great that every detail had to be worked out with sufficient safeguards.
In the case of India, the U.S. was confident enough to accept the reality of its nuclear capability and seek limitations only in the future development of nuclear weapons. In the case of Iran, the effort was to halt and roll back the capability that Iran could acquire.
Liberated

Ten years down the line, the India-U.S. nuclear deal looks like a major concession to India, without any concomitant benefits to the U.S. But at the time of the negotiations, there were multiple levels of political dialogue at the levels of Governments, the U.S. Congress and the members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, all aimed at tying India in knots. The Hyde Act appeared to circumscribe not only India’s nuclear ambitions, but also its foreign policy itself. But today, India remains unaffected by the political restraints imposed on it. Even after problems arose in nuclear trade between the U.S. and India, there is little acrimony between them on the provisions of the deal. The deal liberated India from the shackles of being a non-signatory of the NPT.
In a sense, the deal has liberated Iran from the threats of war and crippling sanctions, without having to abandon its nuclear programme altogether. It is more transformational to the region and the world than the India deal. Iran’s new economic freedom and consequential prosperity will propel it to the forefront of the region, posing a challenge to Saudi Arabia and others. It may even become a partner of the United States and others in their battle against the Islamic State. The Iran deal marked a new beginning in Iran-U.S. relations, while the India deal was a culmination of a process of rapproachment.
The nuclear opening that India gained by the U.S.-India deal fell short of expectations because of the Civil Nuclear Liability Law and the Fukushima disaster, but it played a role in the emergence of India as an economic power. In the case of Iran, the deal will be more transformational for the country and game changing for the world.
(T.P. Sreenivasan is a former Ambassador of India and Governor for India of the IAEA.)

Tuesday, July 28, 2015

Foreword to 'Shattered Gulf Dream'


Foreword to 'Shattered Gulf Dream'

By T.P.Sreenivasan


Gayathri Devi, a young researcher, has published a study of Benyamin's 'Adujeevitham' with the title 'Shattered Gulf Dream'. I was invited to write a Foreword, which is below.
Foreword

“The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which.” These words of George Orwell reverberated in my mind as I finished reading Benyamin’s “Adujeevitham” in Malayalam. Having read this masterly study of the English translation, I realize that several theories can be advanced to place Benyamin and his book in the literary and the socio-political scene. Like other authors of creative fiction, Benyamin may be surprised at the number of theories he has invoked in the fertile minds of others.

The author has rightly analyzed the various strands of the diaspora experience and identified the diasporic trauma as fundamental to Najeeb’s plight, so poignantly portrayed by Benyamin. She comes to the same conclusion as George Orwell that man, in his depravity, becomes one with the animal. Najeeb himself says, “I am a goat.” The English version of the book could well be entitled ‘Goatman’ to convey the message.

In the study of the diaspora, in its various forms and manifestations in different countries and different times, the author places Najeeb as part of the Gulf Diaspora geographically, the Modern Diaspora in time, the Proletarian Diaspora or the Slave Diaspora in nature. Their loyalty to the homeland and their mutual dependence wither away in the case of Najeeb and their social exclusion is irrelevant as he has only goats to interact with socially and even sexually. But he is one with the thousands, who have shattered Gulf dreams to nurse. By a process of “introjection”, the trauma becomes part of their psyche.

Marx’s theory of alienation is also an appropriate theory to invoke in the case of Najeeb. Marx also had claimed that workers are animals. Workers have no stake in the property they look after or the food they produce. The alienation of the diaspora from the society is seen more acutely in diaspora workers. Like men and pigs became interchangeable, the worker and the goats become one in ‘Adujeevitham’.

‘Adujeevitham’ is painful to read, in fact the most painful story I have ever read, because we know it is not fiction. Every Keralite will relate to the Gulf dream, which turned into a nightmare. A shiver goes down the spine to think that anyone of us could be in Najeeb’s shoes or the lack of it, if another option had not knocked on our doors. Those who have been through the kind of experience in the Gulf will probably have worse stories to tell.

I have heard Benyamin say that it was his lonely years in the Gulf that turned him into a writer. Having nothing else to do outside his working hours, he read up everything that he could get hold of for ten years or so and he blossomed into a consummate storyteller. Najeeb’s story came to him as a godsend to put his talents to test. And he came out in flying colours. The present study would enable Benyamin to see new dimensions of his own story and that is where the author of the study has made a great contribution.

Tuesday, June 02, 2015

Pacific Energy Summit 2015 Beijing




PACIFIC ENERGY SUMMIT
BEIJING 2015

I was in Beijing to attend the Pacific Energy Summit from May 27-29. (http://www.nbr.org/research/activity.aspx?id=507) The summit was organized jointly by the National Bureau of Asian Research, US and the China Energy Research Society.

Although the topic covered the whole Pacific, the session was dominated by China, which had deputed their top experts to make the right impression. Five experts from India were also invited. The general consensus was that fossil fuels would dominate the world energy scene in 2035, accounting for about 83% of the energy consumption. Renewables would have a greater share than nuclear power. In fact, nuclear power did not figure in the discussion much, except in one roundtable with the title, “The Future of Nuclear Energy” in which I participated.

The Moderator of the roundtable, a South Korean expert, asked us three questions to which we answered. My recollection of what I said about India’s nuclear power scene is below:


1.Role of nuclear power in the energy mix in India.

It is estimated that, in order to reach a growth rate of 8 percent per annum up to 2031-32, India needs to increase primary energy supply three to four times and increase electricity generation capacity five to six times from the 2003-04 levels- that is, power generation capacity must increase from the current 160,000 MW to nearly 800,000 MW by 2031-32.

To achieve the energy requirement targets, India has to enlarge its nuclear energy capacity by obtaining the material and technology to pursue civilian nuclear power projects and pursue energy efficiency and demand side management policies.

Nuclear energy contributes only less than 2% to the energy mix in India today. India is aiming at a 20-fold increase in India’s nuclear power capacity by 2031-32. Even then, the contribution of nuclear energy to India’s energy mix would be, at best, 4 -6.4%

India’s commitment to developing nuclear technology to the maximum extent possible has not been affected by the fluctuations in nuclear fortunes on the global scene. The development of nuclear power in India is driven as much by fantasy and romance as by scientific and strategic calculations and the market. Behind it are the aspirations for self- sufficiency in energy and the sense of national pride in contributing an indigenously developed programme to the growth of global technology. Unlike the other major users of nuclear power, India’s nuclear programme is not a bye-product of a strategic effort. It was designed as a three- stage power programme by Pandit Nehru and Homi Bhabha, taking into account the limited availability of uranium and the presence of the largest thorium reserves in the world in India. It was developed as a closed fuel cycle, where the spent fuel of one stage is processed to recover fuel for the next stage. It is still on course, though there have been delays in reaching the third stage. India today operates 21 reactors and 7 reactors are under construction.

2. Obstacles that hinder the development of nuclear energy in India.

The advent of the NPT and India’s decision not to join it because of its discriminatory nature resulted in India’s nuclear isolation. The IAEA, which India helped establish as a promotional agency, ended up as a watchdog and the technical cooperation envisaged became ritualistic. The formation of the NSG after India’s PNE in 1974 ended international cooperation, but India went ahead with its own programme. The nuclear explosions of 1998 brought in additional sanctions.

Finally, the India-US nuclear agreement on civilian nuclear cooperation ended India’s isolation, opening up the nuclear market, paving the way for a major expansion of nuclear power. But the decision of the Indian Parliament to establish supplier liability for damages drove the US suppliers away from India. A formula to deal with the situation has evolved during the visit of the Indian Prime Minister to the US, but problems remain. Globally, the Fukushima disaster dampened the hope of a nuclear renaissance. Safety considerations assumed greater importance and the enthusiasm for nuclear power declined worldwide. The cost of electricity generated by nuclear power has become uncertain on account of the gigantic cleaning costs an accident would entail.

India has emphasized that it will be business as usual, regardless of the complications of the nuclear liability law and the fear among the people about possible dangers. Fortunately,
Russian and French companies are willing to work with India, even with the liability law, as they are Government companies. India’s safety record is also a strong point. Indian scientists argue that the “catastrophe syndrome” around nuclear energy is unjustified and that nuclear energy is not only eco- friendly, but also “as safe as air travel”. They maintain that considering India’s growing need for power, the country would have to resort to nuclear technology and that even if accidents took place, they could be controlled.

Two factors, however, have militated against the smooth development of nuclear power in most countries, including India. The cost of nuclear plants is very high, even though they have very low annual operational costs and negligible carbon dioxide emissions.

The increasing public consciousness of the safety issue and the cost versus benefit aspects of specific projects have cast a shadow on the programme. The protests in Kudankulam, the venue of the Russian reactors and the potential venue for a French reactor have assumed serious proportions. The inordinate delays in setting up the Russian reactors have not enhanced public confidence at all. Unless India builds facilities around its reactors for rescue and rehabilitation and strengthens its regulatory mechanisms, nuclear energy skeptics will grow and erode the effort to expand nuclear energy.

3. Policy measures that can be taken to expand nuclear power generation.

First and foremost, the public should be taken into confidence about the risks involved and build facilities for rescue and rehabilitation. Safety measures should be strengthened and drills should be conducted to verify the safety measures. India should also reduce its dependence on nuclear power to rid the future generations of the danger of nuclear accidents.

India, China and South Korea have a good record and they can work together with the IAEA to enhance safety.  The IAEA’s pillars were considered to be nuclear power, safeguards, technical cooperation and safety. After 9/11, security became paramount, but after Fukushima, there is greater accent on safety. Safety inspections by the IAEA have been welcomed by India after the Fukushima accident. Transparent safety and regulatory measures are extremely important. India’s actual performance in generation of nuclear power has fallen short of expectations, but the Indian programme is still an ambitious one.

One of India’s strengths is the strong team of nuclear scientists we have built up over the years. They have been placed at the disposal of the IAEA to ensure safety. Many Indian scientists have been involved in the search for missing nuclear material. Much of the reported material has been recovered, but material that was never reported lost has also been recovered. The availability of enriched uranium in the clandestine market is also a matter of concern. The IAEA should tackle these safety and security issues as a matter of urgency.

The discussion that followed was focused on the Chinese programme, when a participant quoted a report that the Chinese nuclear programmme was “insane” on account of the hazards involved. The Chinese representative held forth on safety measures, but did not carry conviction.

When the Chinese expert mentioned Pakistan as a country, which benefitted from Chinese cooperation in nuclear energy, I could not help asking whether such cooperation with Pakistan was not against NSG norms. He murmured something about the “grandfather clause”, which the moderator dismissed as political. Another Indian representative pointed out that nuclear cooperation should only be with responsible and stable countries.

There was very little time for informal interactions with delegates as even social occasions were used for speeches. I did not notice any warmth for India in the Chinese statements. One Chinese gentleman told me privately that there were too many Indians at the Summit. He also objected to the use by an Indian delegate of the word “Chindia”, apparently coined by Jairam Ramesh.

One of the lunchtime talks was on Climate Change. The Chinese speaker dwelt at length on the China-US agreement and stressed the idea of China peaking in 1930. He made no mention of the agreement with India signed at the time of the Indian PM’s visit. Kyoto appeared to be an old chapter for them and it would have no relevance to Paris later this year.

I had no chance to visit the Embassy or to call on the Ambassador. But I was delighted to meet two smart young officers, who insisted on showing me a bit of Beijing. Both Thelma David and Gince Mattam are fluent Chinese speakers. My gratitude to them.




Tuesday, May 12, 2015

Inaugural Address at the Kerala Economic Association



Speaking Notes of former Ambassador T.P.Sreenivasan for the Inaugural Address at the First Anniversary of the Kerala Economic Association, Kochi on May 8, 2015.

I am afraid my stepping into the shoes of the Chief Minister of Kerala to inaugurate the annual Conference of the Kerala Economic Association is not very appropriate. The only thing common between the Chief Minister and myself in this context is that neither of us is an economist. Perhaps, the organizers did not want an economist to inaugurate the Conference and thus the choice may have fallen on me.

A former President of France, Francois Mitterrand was asked as to how many books on economics he had on his bookshelf and he answered “none!” I am not very different as I have very few books on economics. Moreover, I have lived away from Kerala for nearly 40 years and all that I know about Kerala’s economic development is from paper. I have ben reading about the unique Kerala Model and feeling proud of it.Having come back to live in Kerala, I get the feeling that Kerala’s economic development is more impressive on paper than in reality.

The famed high literacy rate in Kerala has not translated into better educational standards. We have just been through the SSLC results fiasco, revealing poor educational standards and inadequate expertise in handling computers. Our health indicators on paper do not match with the conditions in any Government hospital. One wonders whether the Kerala Model refers to a bizarre anomaly that the economists discovered in Kerala. With a fairly low economic growth, Kerala managed to develop the educational and social sectors. This could be attributed to the priorities of the rulers of Travancore and subsequent democratic leaders, supported by the missionaries, social reformers and community leaders, who gave special attention to education and health. One of them, Rani Gauri Parvati Bai declared long ago that it was the responsibility of the state to defray the cost of education of every citizen. The protests against the caste system took the form of mass education reform, which also helped.

Kerala’s achievements in health and education have received attention worldwide. In spite of low per capita income, Kerala has low infant mortality, high literacy, high life expectancy, access to education, poverty reduction, palliative care and other indicators, which prompted a famous economist to remark, “Though mostly a land of paddy covered plains, Kerala stands out as the Mount Everest of social development.” It was the Kerala Model that led to the UN Development Index, mainly because of the influential economist, Amartya Sen, who was an admirer of the Kerala Model.

What we have achieved may have impressed external observers, but we could have achieved more if we had followed our tradition of tolerant pluralism and gender equality. We seem to have developed a mindset somewhere down the line, which resists change, even globalization, which has brought in opportunities and challenges. The general resistance to change has pervaded all sectors, including education. The stagnation and deterioration in the education system is appalling. The other day, an educationist declared that he would not allow any change in a particular college! This is when education is changing rapidly in every part of the world and we remain frozen in time in many areas of education. It is evident that a new political strategy is necessary to take the state forward.

The recent debate between two giant economists, Jagdish Bhagwati and Amartya Sen was fascinating in the context of our development. Bhagwati attacked the Human Development Index and argued that Kerala’s success in improving social outcomes had little to do with state policies. He preferred the Gujarati model of development, which focused on creation of prosperity and social spending. Sen felt that the Gujarat model would increase inequalities and hurt the minorities. The lesson we should learn from the debate is that we should strive for economic growth, while preserving our tradition of social spending and better distribution of wealth.

I would go one step further and say that Kerala should aim at following a big idea of Gross Domestic Happiness (GDH) as against Gross Domestic Product (GDP) put forward in 1971 by a tiny country, Bhutan. The idea was seen as an oddity, but now there is general recognition of this approach, which emphasizes the spiritual, physical, social and environmental health of citizens. Bhutan has made nature conservation and sustainability at the heart of the political agenda. Bhutan’s record of doubling life expectancy, all children in schools, equitable social development, cultural promotion and conservation of the environment has given Bhutan the mythical status of a real life Shangri La. The world has begun to recognize the idea of Gross Domestic Happiness.

I am sure that the Kerala Economic Association will discuss these and other issues at its annual session. I was surprised that the KEA is only a year old. But apparently, Kerala economists have been active in the national level association over the years. I am happy to inaugurate the Conference and wish you well in your deliberations.

Thank you.


--
T.P. Sreenivasan, (IFS 1967)
Former Ambassador of India and Governor for India of the IAEA
Executive Vice-Chairman, Kerala State Higher Education Council,
Director General, Kerala International Centre.
Cell (91) 98

Thursday, April 30, 2015

Remarks at the Chancellor's Council


Dear Colleagues,

I was asked by the Chancellor to make some concluding remarks at the end of the first session of the Chancellor's Council on April 29, 2015. I did not have a text, but I give beow a gist of what I said. Your comments are welcome.
Sincerely,

TPS


Concluding Remarks by former Ambassador T.P.Sreenivasan, VC, KSHEC at the First Meeting of the Chancellor’s Council on March 29, 2015.

Distinguished Chancellor, Esteemed Pro-Chancellor and Members of the Chancellor’s Council,

Allow me to express my sense of satisfaction over the formation of the Chancellor’s Council. Some time ago, a former Chancellor, Shri.Nikhil Kumar, had asked me for a note on the role of the Chancellor in our system and I had suggested the formation of an “Eminent Persons Group”, including Vice-Chancellors and other educationists to coordinate the work of the Universities and to ensure implementation of decisions by the UGC, the Government and others. Since the Higher Education Council had only an advisory role, there was need for another body, I had said. The formation of the Chancellor’s Council meets an important functional requirement.

I shall not go into the working of the Higher Education Council here. I have circulated a short “Agenda 2015”, which outlines what we have been doing. The details, including all our reports, are on our website also.

In the presentations we have heard, each Vice-Chancellor has described what is being done to enhance quality in the Universities. But I am of the view that our education cannot get better unless there is comprehensive reform. Fundamental changes are necessary in what we teach and how we teach it. We need a new generation of higher education, a “Higher Education 2.0”. We, therefore, identified six areas, which demanded immediate attention—infrastructure, teachers’ training, use of technology, autonomy, research, and internationalization. We have formed experts group in each of these areas and submitted more than ten reports. We are in the final stages of submitting ten more reports, which, if implemented, would transform the higher education scene. The work of the Universities should be within this framework, instead of each of them reinventing the wheel.

Only two of our reports have been fully implemented, ie Reform of the Semester System and establishment of autonomous colleges. Two of our other recommendations, the creation of an Assessment Council (KSAAC) and a Faculty Academy, have been accepted, but the process has not been completed. The Government has to pick and choose from the broad menu we have provided, depending on its priorities and availability of resources. The Council is ahead of the Government as we are dreamers and planners.

As the implementing agency of RUSA, the Council has been engaged in negotiations with MHRD for more than a year. In keeping with the grand vision of RUSA to transform higher education, we submitted several innovative proposals, covering the whole spectrum of reforms. But the MHRD kept changing the criteria and qualifications for allocation of funds. We are greatly disappointed that the allocation made for the entire Plan Period for Kerala is only Rs. 110 crores and that too entirely for infrastructure. The decision to include only established institutions with NAAC accreditation has ruled out all new and innovative institutions. In other words, the hopes raised by RUSA to bring about a major change have been belied. Moreover, the assurance that planning, funding and monitoring will be entrusted to an academic body has been derailed. Restructuring and empowering the KSHEC to handle RUSA are pending, but the allocated funds will be administered in consultation with the concerned institutions. Some additional funds may be made available for aided colleges during the Plan period.

Skills development has become very fashionable and several Departments and agencies have begun programmes with the funding available from several sources. But there is no coordination among them and the skills developed are of a marginal nature. The National Skills Qualification Framework (NSQF) is not in place, as far as I am aware, though some discussions have taken place, notably at the Govt. Engg College, Trivandrum. The initiative of the Chancellor’s Council in this regard will hopefully lead to the setting up of the NSQF.

As for Choice Based Credit system, the implementation of the Hrdayakumari Committee is still incomplete. The UGC Guidelines, I believe, are not consistent with the system we have put in place. I would suggest that we discuss the situation in Kerala with the UGC before we implement the new Guidelines.

We have heard reports about achieving the goal of Tobacco Free Campus. I would submit that today there are greater dangers in the campuses such as alcohol, drugs and sexual harassment. At a workshop held by KSHEC recently, officers responsible for gender issues told us horror stories of the state of affairs in the campuses. Of particular relevance are the charges of exploitation of research scholars by their guides. KSHEC has just set up a Committee under Prof. Meenakshi Gopinath, who has done great work at the national level to advise the Government on dealing with gender justice issues.

KSHEC has been in the forefront of propagating MOOCS. Some awareness has been created, but the larger academic community is still not aware of the immense potentials of MOOCS. India is the second largest user of MOOCS, but the drop out rate is very high. MOOCS are essential to bridge the gap between the knowledge of our teachers and the current knowledge out there in various subjects. I would request the Vice-Chancellors to integrate MOOCS in the curricula and enable students to earn credits. Local content will have to be created for the Indian platform, SWAYAM, to create our own MOOCS.

KSHEC has a Committee working under Prof.Gangan Pratap to strengthen research in our Universities. It is lack of research that keeps our Universities away from world class. We produce PhDs, but plagiarism and fake theses are not the only problems. Our researchers merely gather information to support a thesis. No product or process is initiated in most cases and patents are few and far between. I believe that research should be revamped, if we are to attain excellence.

As for the agenda item on the Chancellor’s Award, the proposals we have heard, except two from the VCs of Health and Technical Universities, involve a NAAC like study of the Universities. I would go with the suggestion that each University should submit at the end of each year a single achievement of the University, which is innovative and game changing. The Committee could choose the best among them and give the award money to enable the University to proceed further in the same area of accomplishment. Such an award will promote reform and path breaking initiatives.

One last point I would like to make, with due respect to all the VCS, who made power point presentations, is that we should omit such presentations. The power point presentations are out of the Boardrooms in many countries. Instead of discussing an issue from a personal perspective, we tend to project existing data, which are available from the websites. I would request the Chancellor to consider this suggestion also.

This First Session of the Chancellor’s Council has been extremely rewarding and I would like to thank the Hon.Chancellor for his historic initiative. The presence of the Pro-Chancellor and his words of wisdom have added to the value of this session.

Thank you.

Sunday, April 26, 2015

Cuban Cigars- the ultimate temptation


Click Here!
Click here!
Rediff.com  » News » Did Cuban cigars thaw US-Cuba relations?

Did Cuban cigars thaw US-Cuba relations?

ShareComment
To get such articles in your inbox
Text size:  A   A   A
April 20, 2015 08:33 IST
A lady enjoys a cigar in Cuba
'The irresistible Cuban cigars, which acquire their unique flavour as they are rolled on the thighs of Cuban women have always been the ultimate temptation for cigar connoisseurs in the US,' says Ambassador T P Sreenivasan.
President John Kennedy called in his press secretary Pierre Salinger to the Oval Office on the evening of February 6, 1961 and asked him to place an urgent order for 1,200 Corona Cuban Cigars to be delivered to him the next morning.
Salinger could not understand the sense of emergency in the President's voice, but he rushed to work and produced the cigars at the appointed hour.
The President breathed in the fragrance of the cigars and reached for the Cuba file on his table and signed the order of a comprehensive trade embargo against Cuba, with the satisfaction that he had a good stock of Cuban cigars in the White House.
It turned out that the President had even contemplated exempting cigars from the embargo, but could not do so because the cigar manufacturers in Florida would have none of it.
The irresistible Cuban cigars, which acquire their unique flavour as they are rolled on the thighs of Cuban women, have always been the ultimate temptation for cigar connoisseurs in the US.
Apart from all the complicated geopolitical factors that determined the dramatic change in the Cuba policy announced by President Barack Obama after an unprecedented meeting with Raul Castro, the Cuban cigars and rum may have played a role in it.
Even during the long embargo, Cuban cigars and rum found their way to the US by different routes. The original Cuban cigars, smuggled by the Cuban immigrants were available at extremely high prices and even fake Cuban cigars had a market.
Only recently have cigars become available online, which are shipped without markings to American smokers. I recall bringing gifts of Cuban cigars from my innumerable trips to Cuba from New York when Cuba was the chair of the Nonaligned Movement.
One of the first orders issued by the US customs on relaxation of the embargo was to authorise tourists to Cuba to bring back alcohol or tobacco worth a hundred US dollars each.
Cuban cigars and rum have become symbols of the many sacrifices that the Americans made to keep Cuba isolated politically and economically for more than half a century.
The embargo made sense as long as Cuba was an outpost of the Soviet Union and hence posed a threat to the US. One has only to recall the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 to fathom the gravity of the situation.
The story goes that both Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev had their fingers on the nuclear button till both withdrew simultaneously, without realising that the other had already chickened out.
But once the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended, there was really no justification for the embargo to continue. By no stretch of imagination was Cuba a threat to the United States.
US allies lost no time in normalising relations, once the Cold War ended. By isolating Cuba, the US was merely isolating itself in its own backyard. In the process, the US lost the trade and tourism opportunities with Cuba and also made Fidel Castro a hero, who single-handedly challenged the mighty United States.
Moreover, Latin American countries, which were once natural allies of the United States, developed their own political and economic ideologies close to Cuban thinking.
By keeping Cuba out of the Organisation of American States, the US gave rise to alternative political and economic groupings.
The prime reason for the continued animosity between Cuba and the United States after the Cold War was the hatred of Cuban migrants in the United States towards Castro and the Cuban system.
Most of the laws, enacted recently were at the instance of US Congressmen of Cuban origin. I have recorded in my book, Encounters, how 'I learnt the hard way that I should keep my admiration for Fidel Castro to myself during conversations with US Congressmen with Spanish names.'
A US Congressman of Cuban origin asked me in 1999 why India maintained good relations with Cuba. Thinking that it was an honest question, I gave an honest answer, without hiding my admiration for Castro and Cuba.
I traced a bit of the history of the Nonaligned Movement and the roles played by Cuba and India in it. Even though the world had changed, we worked together on several issues, as two developing countries. Ideology had nothing to do with it, I said. I also spoke of the cordial relations Castro had with our leaders.
The reaction of the Congressman was openly hostile, as he did not want to hear a good word about Castro. Such was the paranoia that Cuban immigrants had about Cuba.
Cuban immigrants drove the US policy of democracy promotion programmes in Cuba, which was not different from the moves for regime change elsewhere and they will continue to press for political freedom and human rights even while the normalisation takes place.
The Cuban government has been firm in upholding their principles such as no iota of concession to imperialism and no privatisation of the main means of production, but it has been flexible on tactics.
Cuba made no secret of its desire to normalise relations with the US. It maintained fairly close contacts with the US through their Interests Section in the Swiss embassy in Washington, DC.
In 2000, the celebrated case of a young boy, Elian Gonzales, who got involved between his father in Havana and his relatives in Miami, was resolved to the satisfaction of the Cuban government because of effective Cuban diplomacy, in spite of the media pressure in play.
The communications channel remained open between the two countries and some Cuban diplomats like Raul Roa-Kouri were more at home in the US than in Cuba.
In fact, the then US President, Bill Clinton, had a few words with Fidel Castro in 2000 at the UN, which was characterised by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan as a major symbolic achievement, but dismissed as of no consequence by the US.
Clinton had eased some travel restrictions in 1999 in the hope of influencing the Cuban mind.
The latest events, starting with a 'prisoner swap agreement' on December 17, 2014 and culminating in a meeting between Barack Obama and Raul Castro on April 11, 2015 will lead to a win-win situation for the US and Cuba.
Cuba considers it a foreign policy triumph and a majority of the people in the US favour better relations with Cuba. Neither side has sacrificed its fundamental positions, but interests are likely to converge as the two countries identify common interests.
US culture already has a fascination for sections of the youth, intellectuals and artists in Cuba and this may lead to better ties. The Americans can happily yield to the ultimate temptation of enjoying Cuban cigars without any sense of guilt.
T P Sreenivasan, (IFS 1967), is a former Ambassador of India and Governor for India of the IAEA Executive Vice-Chairman, Kerala State Higher Education Council, Director General, Kerala International Centre.
Image: A street entertainer waits for tourists in Havana. Photograph: Desmond Boylan/Reuters
T P Sreenivasan
ShareComment
More from rediff
 
Latest from rediff.com

Stars spotted!  What's this?

Spotted: Suniel Shetty in New York
Reader Puneet sends us a photograph.
Met a celebrity?
Email us photos & videos
Click Here!

>
It's free!
To get such articles in your inbox

Starc, Gayle help Bangalore crush Delhi by 10 wickets
Starc, Gayle help Bangalore crush Delhi by 10 wickets

EPL PHOTOS: Everton blank jittery Man Utd; Chelsea hold Arsenal
EPL PHOTOS: Everton blank jittery Man Utd; Chelsea hold Arsenal

Anand finishes second in Shamkir Chess after draw against Caruana
Anand finishes second in Shamkir Chess after draw against Caruana

Everton were more motivated and aggressive than us: Van Gaal
Everton were more motivated and aggressive than us: Van Gaal

First time in 20 years Torino beat Serie A leaders Juventus
First time in 20 years Torino beat Serie A leaders Juventus

Bundesliga: Bayern win 25th title
Bundesliga: Bayern win 25th title

Paper bomb at Turin derby injures 10
Paper bomb at Turin derby injures 10

Quake in Nepal leaves trail of destruction, death toll mounts to 2,400
Quake in Nepal leaves trail of destruction, death toll mounts to 2,400

Stuttgart Grand Prix: Germany's Kerber stuns Wozniacki
Stuttgart Grand Prix: Germany's Kerber stuns Wozniacki

India launches mammoth relief operation in Nepal
India launches mammoth relief operation in Nepal